1.1 Introduction
Election is the nerve and brain of democratic system. It is the instrument and a procedure for choice of leadership in a liberal manner where the political leaders compete for power while the voters are allowed to exercise their rights (Smith, 2015). The world is contemporarily dominated by democratic governance and this has made an election a pivotal activity in nation-states (Buttorff, 2019). In essence, election is a determinant factor in which political institutions and political actors display their choices, policy preferences, ideology, liberty, freedom and desire of who wants to rule and who is wanted to rule (Cole, 2017).
As a prelude to other parts of this study, this chapter will discuss the background upon which this study was initiated, the statement of problems that led to this study, the Aim and Objectives of the study. Others are Significance of the study, Scope of work, Research hypothesis and questions, Limitation of the study and Definition of technical terms.
1.2 Background of Study
Elections were first organized and conducted in Nigeria in 1922 by the British colonial government in response to the pressures of the nationalists who were agitating for greater participation in the colonial administration (Enojo, 2010). Following the elections, Nigerians were offered the first opportunity to occupy certain political offices. Though the franchise was restricted and representation limited, it was nonetheless an achievement for the nationalists who were struggling for the enthronement of democratic order as a pre-requisite for greater participation of the people in the process of governance. After 1922, several other elections were conducted in different parts of the country to elect leaders at national, regional and local levels. However, it was the 1959 General Elections that paved way for the emergence of Nigeria as an independent state. Since then, various elections have been held either in transition from one civilian government to another or in transition from military regimes to civilian administration.
Elections in Nigeria can broadly be categorized into three viz: elections organized by the colonial government in 1922, 1951 and 1959; those organized by the military regimes in 1979, 1991, 1993, 1999; and the ones organized by civilian governments in 1964, 1983, 2003, 2007, 2011 and 2015. Among the three categories, the elections organized by the civilian regimes appeared to be more crisis-ridden compared to the other two. The simple explanation for the paradox lies in the fact that both the military and colonial authorities wielded excessive powers in coercing citizens to operate within the bounds of the existing laws and decrees (Odo, 2015).
Since the return to civil rule on 29 May 1999, Nigeria has held five general elections, apart from sundry re-run elections and local government polls. Out of the five general elections conducted, only the 2015 general election met both the local and international standard. But the disturbing trend is that each general election was worse than the preceding one (2003 was worse than 1999; and 2007 was worse than 2003). This trend shows that our country is faring very badly at each passing election as nobody can talk of consolidating democracy in such an environment. This is because the leaders seem to have forgotten that conducting a free and fair election is vital to the growth and development of any democratic process. Also, an average Nigerian voter is interested in immediate pecuniary or material rewards, and will easily trade off his votes when appropriately induced. This can be explained by the crippling poverty facing the people in the absence of government’s provision of the basic amenities required for decent living, as well as their justified distrust of the political leaders (Ebegbulem, 2011).
The 2015 general elections are indeed symbolic in Nigeria’s political history. They mark the first time the opposition party would successfully dislodge the incumbent party from power at the federal level particularly in a less controversial and peaceful process. Indeed, one major element of electoral process is that election must be conducted in a free and fair atmosphere, while electoral results must reflect the wishes of the people. Nigeria’s experience in this regard had since independence been contrary to this expectation.
The Nigerian presidential election of 16 April 2011 was the fourth in the series of presidential elections conducted since the country’s return to civil rule in 1999. Unlike the previous elections which were characterized by fraud and flaws, the 2011 election is regarded by many observers as largely credible and well organized (EU EOM, 2011). However, post-election violence, in which many people were killed, many more displaced and valuable properties was destroyed, robbed the shine off the electoral success. Although violence has been part and parcel of electoral contest in Nigeria since 1999, the 2011 post-election violence stands out in terms of its magnitude, severity and consequences (Unom and Ojo, 2010, HRW, 2004; Ladan and Kiru, 2005). The 2011 post-election violence started in Bauchi and Gombe states, and quickly spread to other parts of Northern Nigeria such as Kano, Adamawa, Niger, and Kaduna states.
Therefore, in Nigeria where the research was carried out, the activities that was conducted is to know the Comparative Study of Corruption and Electoral Process of the 2019 and 2023 Presidential Elections.
1.3 Statement of Problems
Investigation revealed that electoral corruption has impaired hard work, diligence and efficiency. It has caused incalculable damages to the social and political development of Nigeria and the electoral process. It subverts credible voting system and facilitates the emergence of an unpopular government. Furthermore, it weakens the electoral institutions, which are saddled with the responsibility of conducting presidential elections in the country (Dauda 2007:102).
Nigeria has had a checkered electoral history with successive elections being marred by serious irregularities and controversy- particularly in the conduct of its electoral commission. This has led in some cases to the collapsed of democratic experiments as occurred in 1966 and 1983. The 2019 and 2023 presidential elections in Nigeria was not to be as the elections, according to several local and international observers turned out to be the worst in Nigeria’s political history (European Union: 2013, Human Rights Watch: 2015, Transition Monitoring Group: 2015).
Like its predecessors, INEC was accused of not being able to engender public confidence in the electoral process or organize transparent and credible elections.
Since the conduct of presidential elections of 2019 and 2023, a pattern is already emerging which points to the fact that political elites have not learnt much from the mistakes of the past. The various crises plaguing the major parties and emerging ones and the various inter-party crisis of the defections in the National Assembly, cross carpeting of representatives and other elected officers in the country are vivid instances of this tendency. This danger has resulted to the high level of political abduction, harassment, arson, and assassinations, withdrawal of credible and qualified professionals in the race. It is against this backdrop that this research study seeks to investigate corruption and electoral process: a comparative study of the 2019 and 2023 presidential election in Nigeria.
1.4 Aim and Objectives of Study
The aim of the study is to comparatively analyze the Corruption and Electoral Process of the 2019 and 2023 Presidential Elections in Nigeria. In achieving this aim, the following specific objectives were laid out as follows:
- To explore the effect of electoral corruption on the outcomes of the 2019 presidential election in Nigeria;
- To find out the challenges of conducting a free and credible presidential elections in Nigeria;
- To investigate the effect of electoral malpractices on the electoral process in Nigeria; and
- To examine the effect of electoral corruption on the conduct of the 2023 presidential election in Nigeria.
1.5 Research Questions
The study came up with research questions so as to be able to ascertain the above stated objectives. The specific research questions for the study are stated below as follows:
- What is the effect of electoral malpractices on the electoral process in Nigeria?
- What is the effect of electoral corruption on the outcomes of the 2019 presidential election in Nigeria?
- What are the challenges of conducting free and credible presidential elections in Nigeria?
- What are the Comparative Study of Corruption and Electoral Process of the 2019 and 2023 Presidential Elections in Nigeria?
1.6 Research Hypothesis
In order to pursue the objective of this study, the following generalized statements have been designed to guide and aids in obtaining the result for the experiment to be conducted. For this work, the null hypothesis will be represented with H0 while the alternative hypothesis will be represented with hypothesis H1.
Hypothesis One
- H0: There are no significant effect of electoral corruption on the conduct of the 2019 and 2023 presidential election in Nigeria.
- H1: There are significant effect of electoral corruption on the conduct of the 2019 and 2023 presidential election in Nigeria.
1.7 Significance of Study
The findings will be beneficial to the electoral commission (INEC) in their bid to conduct an itch free election; the study will also be of great benefit to the political parties who are the major players in the electoral process. The study will also be of great benefit to the electorate in educating them on the nemesis of election violence.
It is anticipated that the analytical, conceptual and theoretical analysis will not just contribute to understanding of the dynamics of electoral corruption and the survival of democracy in Nigeria, but will articulate sound policy recommendations to foster democratic consolidation in Nigeria.
In a whole, the outcomes of the study will serve as a useful tool for students of the Benue State University, who would want to carry out further research in this domain. It would also be useful to scholars in political science. The study would in fact be significant to policy makers and implementers at large, as they will find the result and recommendations of the study very useful to work with.
1.8 Scope of Study
The scope of the research is focused on the Comparative Study of Corruption and Electoral Process of the 2019 and 2023 Presidential Elections in Nigeria.
1.9 Limitations of the Study
During the course of this study, many things militated against its completion, some of which are:
- Time Constraint: The time frame given to accomplish this project was very short due to school academic calendar and it was carried out under pressure which made the researcher not to implement some necessary features.
- Research material: availability of research material is a major setback to the scope of the study.
- Frequent power failure: This made the researcher append more money on fuel to ensure sustainable power.
- Financial Constraint: Insufficient fund tends to impede the efficiency of the researcher in sourcing for the relevant materials, literature or information and in the process of data collection (internet, questionnaire and interview).
1.10 Definition of Terms
Election: Election is a formal decision- making process by which a population chooses an individual to hold public office. It has also been described as a celebration of democracy whereby the electorates are given the opportunity to elect leaders who will take charge of governance within a given period of time.
Nomination: Nomination is part of the process of selecting a candidate for either election to an office by a political party, or the bestowing of an honor or award.
